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Subianto, who’s popularly known as Prabowo, is taking on Widodo, known as Jokowi, in a rematch of the 2014 election. (Bloomberg pic)
JAKARTA: Indonesian presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto is proposing deep tax cuts to stimulate Southeast Asia’s largest economy, copying the playbook successfully used by US President Donald Trump.
Subianto and his running mate Sandiaga Uno will lower company and individual taxes by between 5 and 8 percentage points over five years and widen the tax-to-gross domestic product ratio to at least 16% from about 11%, according to Anthony Budiawan, a member of the pair’s election campaign team. Lower taxes will lead to greater compliance and allow the government to cut its borrowings to fund its budget, he said.
The economy has taken centre-stage in Indonesia’s presidential election campaign, with Subianto targeting incumbent Joko Widodo’s policy of adding to record government debt to finance building roads, ports and dams worth billions. The swelling of government debt and its high foreign ownership were factors in a market sell-off last year, which saw the rupiah tumble to levels not seen since the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis.
“Our corporate tax is one of the most expensive in the region,” Rizal Ramli, a former finance minister, told reporters in Jakarta on Friday. ‘‘Lower tax rates will make Indonesia more competitive.”
Indonesia now has a top personal income tax rate of 30% and a corporate tax rate of 25%.
Subianto, who’s popularly known as Prabowo, is taking on Widodo, known as Jokowi, in a rematch of the 2014 election, which he narrowly lost to the former furniture businessman and the first non-elite to occupy the presidential office. The former general has picked Uno, a business-savvy former private equity investor, and has blamed the high public debt and slump in the currency as examples of Jokowi’s mismanagement of the economy.
If elected, Prabowo will also introduce a progressive individual tax rate, with the rich paying more to ensure a more equitable society, Budiawan said. A cut of between 5 and 8 percentage points in corporate tax can boost economic growth by as much as 0.7 percentage point a year in the short term and deliver a 1 percentage point increase in the tax-to GDP-ratio, said Harryadin Mahardika, another member of Prabowo’s economic team.
While Jokowi’s government has failed to increase the tax ratio despite introducing an amnesty plan while it continued to rely on revenue from commodities and debt to finance the budget, a Prabowo administration will overhaul the tax bureaucracy to make it more efficient, Mahardika said.
“Everyone understands the capability of Prabowo and Sandi. They are entrepreneurs and know what they are doing,” Mahardika said. “The current administration gives false hope. We won’t do that. We can make Indonesia great again as Prabowo said.”
Jokowi, who came into office promising to deliver annual growth of 7%, is set to miss the target by a wide margin as the economy has expanded at about 5% during his tenure. But the incumbent enjoys a lead of 20 percentage points in opinion polls over Prabowo after he created millions of new jobs and spent billions of dollars to add roads, ports and airports to cut logistic costs in the archipelago.
The incumbent, who’s paired with Ma’ruf Amin, a conservative Muslim cleric, will focus on fiscal and structural reform and development of manufacturing and export-oriented industries to create more jobs, according to Jokowi’s election manifesto.
The Prabowo-Uno combination will also involve more private sector participation and end the dominance of state-owned enterprises in projects and opt for more multilateral free-trade agreements than bilateral pacts. The pair’s agenda also includes more protection for certain local industries like Trump has done. Mahardika said Uno will act as an economic ambassador travelling the world to further Indonesia’s trade and economic interests.
jokowi
Posted on February 27, 2017 by lawren
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Lagu Kampanye Jokowi 2019
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Dangdutan Bareng Presiden Jokowi: Soimah Nyanyi Jokowi Hoa Hoe | LIDA 2019
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On April 17, 2019, Indonesians will go to the polls and choose their next president, or maybe not, if they choose to Golput – the act of casting a blank vote, or abstaining from voting. This usually serves as a sign from the electorate that the candidates do not deserve their votes.
Recently, the Legal Aid Institute (LBH), which is Indonesia’s oldest legal and human rights institution, held a press conference to defend the right of Indonesians to abstain from voting or Golput.
LBH’s press conference was held in response to an intense wave of statements attacking anybody stating that they would abstain from voting in the April 17 election.
Statements on social media supporting a Golput stance escalated after the first televised presidential debate on the issues of human rights, corruption and terrorism.
It reflected the disappointment of a segment of the political public with Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, the incumbent who won the election five years ago.
This segment of the political public had no expectations of Mr Widodo’s opponent, Prabowo Subianto, a former general who has been accused of human rights violations, as a defender of human rights.
But they still hoped Mr Widodo would take a strong stand on resolving past human rights abuses – some of them perpetrated under the rule of former dictator Suharto – and intervene to stop current and future abuses.
Instead, Mr Widodo’s statements on the matter were equivocal. While making the same promise he made in 2014 that past human rights violations would be “settled” in the future, he qualified his words with the statement: “It is not easy to settle these issues, because of the legal complexities, issues of evidence and because too much time has passed.”
This gave the impression that a second Widodo term might not see the resolution of these human rights issues.
In fact, during the debate, neither side discussed long-standing cases such as the murder of leading human rights activist, Munir Said Thalib, or the disappearance of pro-democracy activists between 1997 and 1998 (a tumultuous period in Indonesian history during which incidents of mass violence and civil unrest eventually put an end to Suharto’s reign).
Recent cases related to worsening religious intolerance, such as the arrest, trial and jailing of an ethnic Chinese woman for “blasphemy” because she complained about the loudness of the mosque’s call to prayer, were also unaddressed.
Pro-Golput statements in social media rose a few days after the debate, when government officials declared that convicted terrorist Abu Bakar Bashir would be unconditionally released because of poor health.
Although the government will now set some conditions to this release after widespread public outcry, the liberal segment supporting Mr Widodo is becoming increasingly divided.
The pro-Golput statements have included a press conference by a group known as Saya Milenial Golput (I am a Golput Milenial), by parents of activists who disappeared in 1997-98 and a slew of comments circulating on social media.
Staunch Widodo supporters have accused the pro-Golput camp as being in the employ of pro-Subianto forces, of being cowardly, and of being “abstainers”, among a myriad of other epithets.
There has also been talk that to advocate abstention is a criminal offence. This is what prompted the LBH press conference, which was supported by the respected human rights group, Kontras, and other legal aid organisations.
It seems that a segment of Widodo’s supporters has begun to waver, and because they cannot see Mr Subianto as a plausible alternative, Golput then becomes a way of expressing their disillusion.
This educated urban milieu, including many political activists, NGO leaders, academics and intellectuals, had actively campaigned for Mr Widodo when he first ran for president in 2014.
Their high-profile presence helped to sculpt his image as a liberal, principled, and non-party figure who was not tainted by the transactional politics that the political establishment was notorious for.
However, is Mr Widodo’s image as a principled, non-party politician still as important to him now as it was in 2014?
Unlike in 2014, he now has the support of the majority of parties in parliament, including parties that had opposed him in 2014, such as Golkar and the United Development Party.
He can also count on the support of non-party figures that had formerly opposed him, such as Mahfud MD, former chief justice of the Constitutional Court, and many others.
Moreover, with support from a liberal party like the Indonesian Solidarity Party, various prominent university alumni groupings and individual campaigners in social media, it is possible that the full support of the urban educated reformist milieu is no longer necessary.
For the time being, the opinion polls seem to support this conclusion, as Mr Widodo tends to command more than 50 per cent support in most surveys, while Mr Subianto trails at just over 30 per cent.
Yet, Indonesian politics is highly unpredictable, and Mr Widodo himself had defied the predictions of opinion polls when he won the Jakarta gubernatorial election in 2012.
The question is whether the Golput sentiment will spread to other sections of the population, as the campaign and presidential debates move beyond human rights issues and approach matters of social and economic conditions.
Mr Widodo will have to promote an agenda and image that are significantly different from his opponent.
jokowi
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- ‘New, clean’ Golkar gives Jokowi full polls support
‘New, clean’ Golkar gives Jokowi full polls support
| February 14, 2019 5:00 AMGolkar, the party that once controlled Indonesia for three decades until the fall of strongman Suharto, remains a formidable
‘New, clean’ Golkar gives Jokowi full polls support
‘New, clean’ Golkar gives Jokowi full polls support
‘New, clean’ Golkar gives Jokowi full polls support
‘New, clean’ Golkar gives Jokowi full polls support
By:
straitstimes.com
Views 14,822
jokowi
Posted on August 12, 2017 by Arvilla Bellinger
85 out of 100 based on 750 user ratings
1
Jokowi Tidur di Kamar Mantan Presiden Soekarno – Hot Shot 25 Oktober 2014
Duration: 8:31~ Size: 11.7 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
2
Tahukah Anda, Pak Jokowi Menggunakan Jimat Peninggalan Soekarno
Duration: 5:20~ Size: 7.32 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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Kamar tidur BUNG KARNO
Duration: 1:05~ Size: 1.49 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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MISTERI JOKOWI Telah MENCAIRKAN HARTA AMANAH SOEKARNO, Duniapun Harus Tahu….
Duration: 7:35~ Size: 10.41 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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Heboh, Ditemukan Perbedaan & Persamaan Persiden Jokowi & Soekarno Sambut Raja Salman Ke Indonesia
Duration: 17:05~ Size: 23.46 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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Fakta Di Balik Misteri Istana ! TERNYATA 4 HEWAN KESAYANGAN PRESIDEN JOKOWI ANEH ANEH
Duration: 3:37~ Size: 4.97 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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Pusaka Pulung Kanjeng Ratu Kidul Turun ke Badan Jokowi.
Duration: 14:28~ Size: 19.87 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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Cerita Jokowi berani tidur di kamar Bung Karno
Duration: 3:01~ Size: 4.14 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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MENGUNGKAP KEJELASAN HARTA SOEKARNO
Duration: 5:42~ Size: 7.83 MB~ Bitrate: 192kbps
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6 Kejadian Ajaib di Sekitar Jokowi
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jokowi
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Trouble in the East? – New Mandala. July 16, 2014
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Voting Number 1 – New Mandala. July 15, 2014
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President
Jokowi: ten years too soon?
New Mandala – August 11,
2014
Stephen Sherlock – A huge sigh
of relief that Prabowo was (just) defeated and that Indonesia will not
be led by relic of the New Order, a xenophobe… well we all know the rest.
But now the celebrations
are over, how do things look in the cold light of the morning? Beyond the
personalities involved, was this the best that Indonesia’s democracy could
produce? What does it say about the political parties that sponsored the
candidates?
Jokowi seems a sincere man,
certainly unpretentious and an excellent mayor. He did, in Edward Aspinall’s
words, do Indonesia a great service just by keeping Prabowo out of the
presidential palace. But this surely not enough – elections are not just
about keeping the reins of power from the worst candidates, but about the
people’s right and opportunity to select the leader who is the best.
But, of course, they can
only select from what is on offer. And – with all due respect to Jokowi
– the choice in this election was far too limited. It was a contest between
a throwback to the Suharto era and a provincial mayor thrust into the role
of presidential candidate because there was no-one else available. With
only about a decade of municipal government experience behind him, Jokowi
was arguably elected five or 10 years too soon – a good candidate for 2019
or 2024. He still needed more time to get the muscle and grit that comes
with conceiving and implementing policy, building coalitions and banging
heads together at a serious level of government.
But enough about Jokowi.
This is not meant to be a critique of him but an expression of serious
worry about the future of Indonesian politics and political parties. And
a word of caution for party bashers: I don’t think parties are fundamentally
anti-democratic and I don’t think we should marginalise them from the system.
We actually need better and stronger parties that play the kind of roles
that are usually expected of them, like recruiting the successive generations
of new political leaders, for example.
It should be a cause of concern
that, after 15 years of democracy and reformasi (remember that?) the parties
are still dominated by figures who were power players under the old order.
Less than a year ago, before Jokowi’s candidacy became a real possibility,
people were discussing scenarios for the presidential line-up such as Prabowo
versus Megawati, or maybe Prabowo, Megawati and Bakrie, or perhaps Prabowo,
Megawati, Bakrie and Kalla. Even dinosaurs like Wiranto were being discussed
seriously.
Prominent “new” candidates
included people such as Surya Pahlo and Mahfud MD, hardly fresh sprouts
from the grassroots. The only really fresh faces, such as Anies Baswaden,
were utterly unknown outside the Jakarta political class. Then there were
the “dynastic” figures like Megawati’s daughter Puan Maharani and SBY’s
son, Edhie Baskoro. Hardly any of these prospective candidates reached
double figures in opinion polls. The parties are simply incapable of regenerating
their leadership ranks and pushing solid, electable figures through party
ranks.
This is because parties seem
uninterested in building party structures and systems for encouraging and
training party cadre (known as party institutionalisation to the cognoscenti).
Financial resources are thrown at election campaigns and great efforts
are sometimes made to raise money for leading candidates (although open
list legislative elections have put the burden on individual DPR/D candidates),
but little or no money can ever be found to pay for party staff devoted
to policy, organisation and recruitment. Most party advisers are part-time
people working in business, academia or as personal staff paid from state
allocations for office-holders such as DPR members.
The problem is that party
leadership positions are seen purely as vehicles for personal ambitions.
There is a culture of ‘winner takes all’ with regard to party offices and
losing contenders often conclude they have no alternative but to leave
and form their own party. The long line of ex-Golkar figures establishing
presidential vanity parties – from Wiranto to Prabowo to Surya Pahlo –
is testament to this. A logical political home for SBY before 2004 would
have been in PDIP, but Megawati was unable to contemplate the idea that
the party could be in hands of someone not in possession of Sukarno genes.
Hence SBY went on to create the Democrat Party, which in turn has utterly
failed to produce a successor to its founder. And in the case of the “presidential”
parties – those created as vehicles for personal presidential ambition
– what chance would any aspiring front-rank leader within NasDem, Hanura
or Gerindra have of supplanting their respective creators?
Candidate selection processes
within the parties have been subverted by money politics, dynastic ambitions
and squabbles, and a systemic neglect of the task of developing policy
alternatives. The role of money in Bakrie’s victory in Golkar and Hatta’s
leading position within PAN is well known. Golkar was willing to accept
a leader and prospective presidential candidate with absolutely zero popular
appeal because he was able to deposit the envelopes in the right laps.
In the case of PDIP, its
domination by dynastic politics is obvious and has greatly hampered its
capacity to cultivate rising leadership, despite the considerable wealth
of younger talent in its lower ranks. Although Megawati managed to suppress
her ambitions for Puan long enough to allow Jokowi to be the presidential
candidate, her game-playing delays in naming him added to the incoherence
of the Jokowi campaign and came close to costing him the election. And
during the campaign, the gap between the enthusiastic volunteers (relawan)
and the PDIP party functionaries was frequently noted by close observers.
Rather than welcoming the fact that normal people were embracing the opportunity
to change their country’s future though party politics, the apparatchiks
saw them as a threat to their monopoly. Jokowi’s biggest challenges in
office will be to establish and maintain a base of support within his own
party and avoid being undermined by jealous party colleagues.
As such, the 2014 election
the party system failed to put forward a spectrum of candidates which offered
a good range of choices to the electorate. As a lot of commentary did suggest,
there was a choice between a reversion to the past and a rather wishful
grasp for a hopeful future. But the fact that a figure like Prabowo could
become so popular is a dire reflection on the electorate’s disappointment
with party politics. Many people seem to have voted for him because he
projected the image that he was not one of today’s squabbling politicians
but the kind of firm leader that the country once had. Concrete economic,
social, environmental and governmental issues barely received a mention
in the campaign.
Weak party consolidation
and institutionalisation is one of the most important examples of the limitations
of post-Suharto political reforms. The hardware of constitutional structures
is in place and there is no significant anti-democratic sentiment – inchoate
or organised – but the software of the system is still beset by operational
problems. The people who make institutions work have become very adept
at manipulating the system for short-term and sectional gain, and the old
autocratic players have ‘reorganised’ themselves (in Hadiz and Robison’s
words) to survive and prosper in the new democratic environment. Despite
institutional reform, the informal rules of the political game as played
out in Suharto’s time remain essentially unchanged.
Today there is a continuing
tendency towards collusive consensus among the political elite rather than
open competition and debate, especially over questions of policy. Coalition-building
has been random, ‘promiscuous’, opportunistic, and determined by division
of the spoils of office rather than reflecting coalitions of interests
committed to policy outcomes.
Conditions are nowhere near
so dire as to threaten the basis of Indonesian democracy, but if democratic
institutions are seen as failing to deliver prosperity and opportunity
to a young growing population there could be dangers of instability ahead.
Jokowi has come to office with a huge reservoir of goodwill and an ocean
of high expectations. In the months leading up to his inauguration, it
seems a good time to start asking some hard questions about what happens
next.
[Stephen Sherlock is a consultant
on governance and politics, and Visiting Fellow in the Department of Political
and Social Change, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific.]
Source: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2014/08/11/president-jokowi-ten-years-too-soon/.
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jokowi
President Jokowi awarded Press Freedom medal
Surabaya, E Java (ANTARA News) – President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) received a Press Freedom medal from Chairman of the Press Council (Dewan Pers) Yosep Stanley Adi Prasetyo on the occasion of 2019 National Press Day, here, Saturday.
“We convey our congratulations and laud the president, who has been playing a major role in the press world so far,” Prasetyo noted in his remarks during a function to celebrate 2019 National Press Day.
The Press Freedom medal is the highest award bestowed by the press community on an individual or institution that has contributed significantly for the interest of the press, he remarked.
President Jokowi responded by saying that he felt proud and grateful to the press in Indonesia for trusting him to receive the award.
The government has, so far, guaranteed press freedom and accepted various forms of constructive criticism as a means of social control.
“I also invite the press to strengthen its identity as a source of information that is accurate and trustworthy and always strengthens its identity to continue to educate the public,” Jokowi noted.
On the occasion, the Association of Indonesian Journalists (PWI) also presented awards to several journalists, media, and high-ranking officials, such as Tourism and Culture Minister Arief Yahya, State Enterprise Minister Rini Soemarno, Transportation Minister Budi Karya Sumadi, Chairman of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) Oesman Sapta Odang, East Java Governor Soekarwo, and West Sumatra Governor Irwan Prayitno.
Meanwhile, President Jokowi earlier said he is glad to witness that the public has laid greater trust in the conventional media than social media.
“Frankly speaking, I am very happy with such a situation. Congratulations to the press that remains highly trusted by the public,” Jokowi noted.
It is not easy to win the publics trust amid competition in the era of rampant growth in social media that is spreading information, he remarked.
Based on data, the publics trust in conventional media reached 59 percent as compared to 45 percent in the social media in 2016. However, In 2017, the publics trust in conventional media reached 58 percent, and the social media, 42 percent.
In 2018, the conventional media won 63 percent of the publics trust, and the social media, 40 percent, Jokowi pointed out.
Source: ANTARA News
President Jokowi awarded Press Freedom medal
Surabaya, E Java (ANTARA News) – President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) received a Press Freedom medal from Chairman of the Press Council (Dewan Pers) Yosep Stanley Adi Prasetyo on the occasion of 2019 National Press Day, here, Saturday.
“We convey our congratulations and laud the president, who has been playing a major role in the press world so far,” Prasetyo noted in his remarks during a function to celebrate 2019 National Press Day.
The Press Freedom medal is the highest award bestowed by the press community on an individual or institution that has contributed significantly for the interest of the press, he remarked.
President Jokowi responded by saying that he felt proud and grateful to the press in Indonesia for trusting him to receive the award.
The government has, so far, guaranteed press freedom and accepted various forms of constructive criticism as a means of social control.
“I also invite the press to strengthen its identity as a source of information that is accurate and trustworthy and always strengthens its identity to continue to educate the public,” Jokowi noted.
On the occasion, the Association of Indonesian Journalists (PWI) also presented awards to several journalists, media, and high-ranking officials, such as Tourism and Culture Minister Arief Yahya, State Enterprise Minister Rini Soemarno, Transportation Minister Budi Karya Sumadi, Chairman of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) Oesman Sapta Odang, East Java Governor Soekarwo, and West Sumatra Governor Irwan Prayitno.
Meanwhile, President Jokowi earlier said he is glad to witness that the public has laid greater trust in the conventional media than social media.
“Frankly speaking, I am very happy with such a situation. Congratulations to the press that remains highly trusted by the public,” Jokowi noted.
It is not easy to win the publics trust amid competition in the era of rampant growth in social media that is spreading information, he remarked.
Based on data, the publics trust in conventional media reached 59 percent as compared to 45 percent in the social media in 2016. However, In 2017, the publics trust in conventional media reached 58 percent, and the social media, 42 percent.
In 2018, the conventional media won 63 percent of the publics trust, and the social media, 40 percent, Jokowi pointed out.
Source: ANTARA News
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